Comparative Politics And Government Pdf
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- Overview of Comparative Politics
- COMPARATIVE POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT
- COMPARATIVE POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT
Overview of Comparative Politics
The journal is indispensable to experts in universities, research organizations, foundations, embassies, and policymaking agencies throughout the world. Read the journal online here. The origins of these strategies are rooted in the neoliberal adjustment policies in the early s that compensated and reshaped power relations in labor organizations.
With union compensation, a dominant faction concentrated power and embraced instrumentalism; the union exchanged electoral support with various parties for particularistic benefits. When adjustment policies were adopted without compensation, power was dispersed in an archipelago of activists.
Unions then relied on movementism, which centered on contentious demand making and resistance to partisan alliances. Comparing teachers in Mexico and Argentina, this article contributes to broader debates about the effects of democracy on contentious politics and the changing partisan identities of workers.
Philip A. Martin, Giulia Piccolino, and Jeremy S. Put together, these dimensions produce four trajectories of ex-rebel authority.
The framework yields theoretical insights about local orders after civil war, as well as implications for peacebuilding policies.
Using case law research, archival research, and interviews, I demonstrate the utility of the audience-based framework for explaining judicial behavior in authoritarian regimes by exploring cross-temporal variation across authoritarian regimes in Pakistan. This study integrates ideas-based and interest-based explanations for judicial behavior in a generalizable framework for explaining variation in judicial assertiveness against authoritarian regimes.
Nicholas Kerr and Michael Wahman, Electoral Rulings and Public Trust in African Courts and Elections On the African continent, where elections are often surrounded by accusations of fraud and manipulation, legal avenues for challenging elections may enhance election integrity and trust in political institutions.
Court rulings on electoral petitions have consequences for the distribution of power, but how do they shape public opinion? We theorize and study the way in which court rulings in relation to parliamentary election petitions shape public perceptions of election and judicial legitimacy. Using survey data from the Zambian election, our results suggest that opposition voters rate quality of elections lower when courts nullify elections. Justin J. Gengler, Bethany Shockley, and Michael C.
Ewers, Refinancing the Rentier State: Welfare, Inequality, and Citizen Preferences toward Fiscal Reform in the Gulf Oil Monarchies Against the backdrop of fiscal reform efforts in Middle East oil producers, this article proposes a general framework for understanding how citizens relate to welfare benefits in the rentier state and then tests some observable implications using original survey data from the quintessential rentier state of Qatar.
Using two novel choice experiments, we ask Qataris to choose between competing forms of economic subsidies and state spending, producing a clear and reliable ordering of welfare priorities. Expectations derived from the experiments about the individual-level determinants of rentier reform preferences are then tested using data from a follow-up survey.
Findings demonstrate the importance of non-excludable public goods, rather than private patronage, for upholding the rentier bargain. Suzanne E. Using interview data from security personnel in China, this study expands current conceptualizations of authoritarian durability and coercive capacity to consider a wide range of security activities. Understanding how women democratically access these posts requires theorizing how they gain resources from established parties to mount viable electoral campaigns.
We argue that in stable regimes marked by representational malaise parties respond to gendered incentives and nominate female candidates. A negative case depicts how a lack of representational critiques can fail to incentivize parties to back women instead of men.
Gulnaz Sharafutdinova, Review Article, Domestic and Global Dimensions of Post-Communist Institution-Building This article reviews four recent books that inquire into the nature and challenges of institution-building in the post-communist region.
The main lessons learned from this scholarship relate to the complexity of establishing effective domestic institutions securing property rights and the role of various domestic and global factors that shape these processes. Domestic variables include political connections, bargaining power, and the nature of a social equilibrium that shapes norms, expectations, and behavior of economic actors.
Global factors include structural constraints and opportunities associated with the global financial system and institutions. The Politics of Parental Leave Reforms in Latin America Policies to address reconciliation of work and family have come to the political forefront around the world.
One key policy is extending paid parental leaves. We construct a database on paid parental leaves for Latin American countries from to We process-trace reforms in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay and show how programmatic party systems enable social demand to influence executive commitment to pursue policy reform and evidence-based expertise to design policy that facilitates more paternal involvement and social equity.
Whitney K. Drawing on an original person survey, I examine patterns of legal claims-making, focusing on beliefs individuals hold about the law, rights, and the state, and how those beliefs relate to decisions about whether and how to make claims. I find striking differences between the factors that influence when people say they should file a legal claim and when they actually do so.
The way that individuals interpret their own material conditions and neighborhood context are important, yet under-acknowledged, factors for explaining claims-making. Joan Carreras Timoneda, Institutions as Signals: How Dictators Consolidate Power in Times of Crisis Formal institutions in dictatorship are known to improve authoritarian governance and promote power-sharing.
Yet institutions also act as tools of information propagation and can be used by autocrats for signaling purposes. In this article, I argue that in times of weakness, dictators follow an expand-and-signal strategy, expanding the ruling coalition to decrease the relative power of coup plotters and then create visible formal institutions to signal strong support.
Doing so decreases 1 the probability that a coup is launched and 2 that one succeeds if staged. Shimaa Hatab, Threat Perception and Democratic Support in Post-Arab Spring Egypt The article examines the reasons why Egyptian elites and masses withdrew their support for democracy only two years after they staged mass protests calling for regime change in I draw on basic tenets of bounded rationality and recent advances within the field of cognitive heuristics to demonstrate how cues generated from domestic and regional developments triggered stronger demands for security and stability.
Drawing on elite interviews and public opinion surveys, I show how both elites and the masses paid special attention to intense and vivid events which then prompted a demand for the strong man model. Fears of Islamists pushed both elites and masses to update their preferences, seek refuge in old regime bargains, and reinstate authoritarianism. First, the regime collaborated with tribal intermediaries to outsource monitoring and social control of rural areas, particularly in border regions.
These findings suggest weak states seek to increase their strength through investment in local political actors and in ways that are geographically differentiated across regions. Formulating hypotheses on juridification within different parties and legal environments, we examine intra-party juridification across four democracies with most different party law provisions.
Marwa M. To bridge this gap, we study one of the most important, albeit overlooked, bodies within these assemblies: legislative committees. To explain this, we develop a theory of provisional gender stereotyping. In this article, we review three recent political science books about the perpetrators of anti-Semitic violence, the responses of their Jewish victims, and the rescue efforts that helped European Jews evade violence.
These books demonstrate promising theoretical, empirical, and methodological uses for the rich historical record about the Holocaust. We use these studies to highlight the methodological innovations that they advance, the blurry theoretical boundaries between selective and collective forms of mass violence, and the possibility of agentive action by perpetrators, victims, and rescuers alike.
We conclude by highlighting the social-psychology of genocidal violence and the legacies of these episodes as areas for future inquiry. Mobilized indigenous groups did not express their concerns about extraction within the prescribed prior consultation meetings.
Instead, they refused to be consulted, they challenged the lack of, or their exclusion from, prior consultation, and they preemptively achieved environmental protections. Variation in tactics is explained by 1 the stage of the planned extraction, 2 whether the state initially determined that a community was affected by the extraction, and 3 the degree of unity among affected communities.
It argues that Rwandans did not experience state-society relations under pre-genocide regimes as a vertical chain of authority, as is often contended.
Instead, they spoke of a felt gap between national and local levels. Engagement with authority was predominantly local and experienced in an ambiguous, yet functional manner rather than simply as coercion. It was also experienced in a more varied manner than is often presumed. It should also lead scholars to question simple frames of resistance often proposed when studying authoritarian state-society relations.
Mariel J. Yet, how do elites come to believe this? And how do elites make inferences about the political preferences of the disenfranchised? Disposition refers to the innate characteristics of an individual or group that are believed to shape behavior and decision-making.
Importantly, because disposition is perceived to be intrinsic, elites assume it is more stable and permanent than party identification or policy preferences. This article presents an alternative explanation for judicial power and assertiveness, arguing that judicial power can be endogenous to judicial processes, as legal-constitutional authority, strategic interactions, and ideational shifts are rooted in the unfolding of a judicialized political conflict.
David K. This article identifies as a key determining factor the constitutional entrenchment of wealth redistribution via private corporate equity transfers. Since the policy threatens private capital, the dominant party would want to avoid massive capital flight by credibly committing to a restrained practice of indirect expropriation through an authoritative constitutional court that can apply a brake to the policy when it goes too far.
The analysis is based on an in-depth case study of the Constitutional Court of South Africa. The empirical research includes conducting an expert survey on judicial appointments that tests a crucial observable implication of the theory, as well as performing process tracing that involves interviewing South African business elites. Paul Schuler and Mai Truong, Connected Countryside: The Inhibiting Effects of Social Media on Rural Social Movements While much research focuses on social media and urban movements, almost no research explores its potentially divergent effects in rural areas.
Building on recent work emphasizing the multidimensional effects of online communication on vertical and horizontal information, we argue that while the Internet may facilitate large-scale urban movements, it inhibits large-scale rural movements. Because social media increases vertical information flows between government and citizens, the central government responds quickly to rural protests, preventing such protests from developing into a large-scale movement.
By contrast, social media does less to change the vertical information flows in urban areas. We explore the plausibility of our argument by process tracing the evolution of protests in urban and rural areas in Vietnam in the pre-Internet and in the Internet eras. Using the framework and multiple national surveys, we assess different instruments widely used to measure regime support in China.
We clarify some confusion in the operationalization of political support, establish the salience of institutional settings in shaping its latent structure, assess key survey instruments of regime support, and offer guidelines on how to appropriately interpret related findings. Furthermore, I argue that the institutionally orchestrated collective stigmatization and persecution of Jews and Muslims predated the Reformation, going back to the Fourth Lateran Council under Pope Innocent III in The notion of Corpus Christianum and Observant movements in the late Middle Ages, the elective affinity of liberalism and racism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and the divergence in religious norms at present are critically evaluated as potential causes of ethnoreligious exclusion.
Did the threat of communism influence income distribution in developed capitalist economies during the Cold War? This article addresses this question by testing whether income inequality in OECD countries was related to events linked to the spread of communism—revolutions and Soviet interventions—around the world. We argue that the threat of the spread of communism acted as an incentive for the elites and governments to keep economic inequality low. This article provides an empirical contribution to the recent literature on inequality, which highlights the role of domestic institutions but ignores the role of the Cold War in redistributing income.
We find a robust relationship between income inequality and the distance to communist events. The results, reinforced by cases studied, suggest that the spread of communism fostered income redistribution deals between domestic elites and workers. Finally, we show that these effects were reinforced by strong unions and the presence of strong communist parties.
Besir Ceka and Pedro C. Based on sociological and psychological theories of social conflict and dominance, we argue that those who enjoy a more privileged position in the social hierarchy tend to develop stronger preferences for the existing social and political order. Conversely, people in underprivileged positions tend to be less supportive of that order. Hence, we expect the relationship between socioeconomic status and commitment to liberal democracy to be context-specific: positive in liberal democracies but negative in autocracies.
Furthermore, we argue that income inequality amplifies these dynamics, widening the gap between low and high status individuals. We test our hypotheses using the fifth wave of the World Value Surveys.
COMPARATIVE POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT
Save extra with 2 Offers. About The Book Comparative Politics And Government Book Summary: Considerable changes are taking place today in the structure and working of governments all over the world. This, in turn, has necessitated a change in the approach to the study of government and politics. This well-organized and systematic study takes into account these developments and shift in approach in the field of comparative government and politics. As the empirical study of political processes, structures and functions forms a major part of comparative political studies, the author examines them in detail. He also analyzes the many variables that are heterogeneous in nature.
The journal is indispensable to experts in universities, research organizations, foundations, embassies, and policymaking agencies throughout the world. Read the journal online here. The origins of these strategies are rooted in the neoliberal adjustment policies in the early s that compensated and reshaped power relations in labor organizations. With union compensation, a dominant faction concentrated power and embraced instrumentalism; the union exchanged electoral support with various parties for particularistic benefits. When adjustment policies were adopted without compensation, power was dispersed in an archipelago of activists. Unions then relied on movementism, which centered on contentious demand making and resistance to partisan alliances.
Comparative politics also entails the political study of non-US political thought. Here are a few tips when choosing resources for comparative political research:. This section includes databases that provide detailed profiles of most countries worldwide. Country profiles include basic country facts and figures such as population, capitol cities and so on. They also provide brief summaries of geography, environment, history, current politics and economics. It looks like you're using Internet Explorer 11 or older. This website works best with modern browsers such as the latest versions of Chrome, Firefox, Safari, and Edge.
Firstly, while comparative government is concerned with the study of formal political institutions like legislature, executive, judiciary and bureaucracy alone in.
COMPARATIVE POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT
AP Daily and AP Classroom Short, searchable AP Daily videos can be assigned alongside topic questions to help you cover all course content, skills, and task models, and check student understanding. Unlock personal progress checks so students can demonstrate their knowledge and skills unit by unit and use the progress dashboard to highlight progress and additional areas for support. Sign In to AP Classroom. AP Comparative Government and Politics is an introductory college-level course in comparative government and politics. The course uses a comparative approach to examine the political structures; policies; and political, economic, and social challenges of six selected countries: China, Iran, Mexico, Nigeria, Russia, and the United Kingdom.
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The comparative study of politics and government examines political institutions - from constitutions to executives to parliaments to parties to electoral laws - and the processes and relationships that account for stability and change in political economy, culture, conflict, government, rights and public policy. Data range from archive documents, official records, surveys, ethnographic observations and interviews, to press, broadcast and internet publications. We emphasise rigour in the interpretation of historical and ethnographic data and in statistical inference.
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И увидел, что никто даже не улыбнулся, когда текст был наконец расшифрован.